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ollars a day to make bicycles once built in America。
旁白：在90年代，不断发展的美国经济创造了1700万新工作，但是，工会会员所占的比例却下降很多。美国劳工运动组织就抱怨海外的廉价劳动力。例如：他们就曾指着这家中国的工厂。那里的工人生产曾在美国生产的自行车，每天的报酬只有5个美元。
THEA LEE： Our workers are in direct petition to workers overseas。 We can't control whether every single job stays in the United States or not； but it's another thing to lose jobs to workers who are not represented by independent trade unions。 And so that changes the nature of petition that American workers face。
THEA LEE：我们的工人与海外的工人处于直接的竞争当中。我们无法控制每一个单独的工作能否都被留在美国境内， 但是，工作被那些没有参加独立的工会组织的工人所得到，是另一回事。所以，这就改变了美国工人所面临的竞争的性质。
NARRATOR： Countries that opened their markets saw their overall wealth and living standards increase； yet the politics of trade were less straightforward than the economics。
旁白：那些开放了本国市场的国家看到了它们整体的财富及生活水平提高了，但是，贸易的政治学是没有经济学这么直截了当的。
LAWRENCE SUMMERS： It's always difficult to sell open markets。 There's a basic cost of open markets。 Whether it's somebody losing a job particularly or very obvious； the benefits are much less clear。 Who said on Christmas day； "；Gosh； thanks without open markets I would have been only able to buy half as many toys for my kid"；？ Or whoever says； "；You know； I'm not that great a worker； but they really had no choice to promote me given the surge and export demand"；？ On the other hand； every job loss that can be remotely connected to international trade； people do。 So this problem of invisible beneficiaries and visible losers is one that bedevils the political economy of trade。
萨莫斯：要推销开放市场总是很困难的。开放市场有一个基本的成本。无论是某个人丢了一份工作或是很明显，收益远没有损失那么清楚。谁在圣诞节时会说：“上帝啊，谢谢——如果没有开放的市场，我只能给我的孩子买今天一半的玩具。”？或者，谁会说：“你知道，我并不是那么好的一个工人，可是它们因为经济的快速增长和出口需求增加，实在没有其他选择而只有提拔我了。”？而另一方面，每一个丢掉的工作，只要能把它与国际贸易联系起来，人们就会这样做。因此，看不见的受益者和看得见的失败者就把贸易的政治经济给妖魔化了。
THEA LEE： The truth is that the business munity has very good access to the international institution and to their own governments。 And we hit the streets because we feel that we have a hard time getting our government to listen； or that our governments are unresponsive to the concerns that we've raised。 And we think we can do better。 We think we could write a set of rules for the global economy that would ensure that corporations had to live up to a minimum standard。
THEA LEE：事实是，商业社团很容易接触到国际机构以及它们本国的政府。因为我们感觉到要让我们的政府倾听我们的声音太难了或因为我们的政府对我们提出的所关注的问题不予理睬，我们就上街抗议了。而且我们认为我们可以做得更好。我们认为我们可以为全球经济制定一套规则以确保所有的公司必须要达到一个最低的标准。
NARRATOR： But inside the Seattle meeting； the unions' demands met stiff resistance from the developing world。 They wanted more trade； not less。 Poorer countries charged that America and Europe unfairly protect industries with powerful union and business support。
旁白：但是，在西雅图会议上，工会的要求遇到了发展中国家的强烈抵触。他们要求更多的贸易，而不是更少。贫穷的国家批评美国和欧洲通过他们强大的工会和商业社团的支持，不公平地保护他们本国的工业。
JAIRAM RAMESH； Senior Economic Advisor to India's Congress Party； 19911998： The fact is the rules of the game are tilted in favor of the economically powerful。 I understand； I respect that； and until India is economically powerful we are not going to be able to influence the rules of the game。 Let's take the textile trade。 Now all textile imports into America； for example； are governed by quotas。 Every country is allocated a certain quota。 It's not free trade。 It's managed trade。 America is free to sell textiles to us； but we are not free to sell textiles to America。
JAIRAM RAMESH，印度国大党的高级经济顾问，1991 – 1998：事实是游戏的规则向有利于经济强国的方面倾斜。我可以理解。 我认为直到印度成为一个经济强国，否则我们无法影响游戏规则的制定。让我们来看一看纺织品贸易。比如，现在所有要进口到美国的纺织品都要受配额的限制。每个国家被分配一定数量的配额。
NARRATOR： Developing countries fed a negotiating bloc to make Western markets more open。
旁白：发展中国家组成了一个谈判集团以迫使西方更加开放他们的市场。
DELEGATE： This should not be a time when big countries； strong countries； the world's wealthiest countries； are setting about a process designed to enrich themselves。
代表：这不应该是那些大国，强盛的国家，世界上最富有的国家开始一个为了使他们自己更富有的过程的时候。
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Chapter 17： Failure at the Summit ＇4：58＇
第十七章： 峰会的失败
NARRATOR： Bill Clinton had been a leading proponent of expanded trade； but the protests forced him into a political corner。 A presidential election was about to begin； and Democrats needed union support。 In a speech to WTO delegates； Clinton appeared to side with the protestors on the streets。
旁白：比尔克林顿一直是贸易扩张的主要支持者，但是抗议声使他退缩到一个政治角落里，总统大选就要开始了，民主党需要工会的支持，在对世界贸易组织代表发表的一次演讲中，克林顿表现出对街头示威者的支持。
BILL CLINTON： I condemn the small number who were violent and who tried to prevent you from meeting； but I'm glad the others showed up； because they represent millions of people who are now asking questions about whether this enterprise will in fact take us all where we want to go。
比尔克林顿：我谴责那一小部分使用暴力并阻止你们###的人，但是，我很高兴，有些人站了出来，因为他们代表了数百万正在问这样一个问题的人们：这个企业是否会把我们带到我们想要去的地方？
NEWT GINGRICH： I think his speech at Seattle was an absolute disgrace and an act of strategic defeat for him。 I think they were gearing up for the election； and appeasing the unions to elect Gore was more important than standing for free trade。
NEWT GINGRICH：我认为，在西雅图发表的这次演讲绝对是个耻辱，是他的一次战略失败。我认为，他们在为选举做调整，安抚工会，让他们支持戈尔比克林顿支持自由贸易更加重要。